Roll Call 14 would have shielded Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients from detention and deportation, with exceptions. Ciscomani, R-Ariz., voted before it. He voted after it. On the DACA amendment itself, he simply didn’t show up on the board — a silence that, bracketed by two clean voting records, reads less like an accident than a decision.

It’s a decision Ciscomani has now made twice. First on the floor of the House. Then, according to the Arizona Daily Star, at least five more times (1, 2, 3, 4, 5) — in response to five separate news inquiries asking a single question: does he still support a pathway to citizenship for DACA recipients?

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A Congressman Who Won’t Answer

Ciscomani built his national profile as living proof that the American Dream survives the immigration system. Brought to the United States from Hermosillo, Sonora, at age 11, he became the first naturalized Mexican-American elected to Arizona’s congressional delegation — and in 2023, House Republicans put him at the podium to deliver their Spanish-language response to the State of the Union. He has spoken, repeatedly and publicly, about his father driving a bus so his son could someday sit in Congress.

That version of Ciscomani has not been available lately.

The Star’s five unanswered inquiries did not arrive in a vacuum. They came as one of his own constituents — a Tucson Dreamer — was detained by immigration officers who, according to the Tucson Sentinel, entered her home aggressively and without a warrant. She wrote Ciscomani an open letter in the Star, asking directly why the congressman who talks about his own immigration story has said nothing about hers. He has not answered that either.

His Democratic opponent, JoAnna Mendoza, did answer. She posted her support for the detained Dreamer’s due process rights before Ciscomani said a word.

The Father’s Visa, Revisited

The silence has reopened a story Ciscomani would rather not keep telling: the one about how his own family got here.

Ciscomani has said his father secured a religious-worker visa. But immigration lawyers — and members of Ciscomani’s own family, including his brother-in-law — have questioned how a man who spent his life driving a bus could have qualified. Tucson immigration attorney Maurice Goldman told the Star that path required proof the elder Ciscomani entered the country “solely to work as a minister or in a religious vocation” — a standard that doesn’t obviously square with a career behind the wheel.

Charles Kuck, an Atlanta-based immigration attorney who practiced in Arizona until 1993, said the loophole Ciscomani’s family may have used was common in that era. “There was very little to no oversight,” Kuck said. “This was the wild West.”

Ciscomani’s spokesperson called the scrutiny “insulting,” saying it sounds “like you’re saying, ‘Hey, Juan, show me your papers.’” It’s a defense that asks voters to treat questions about a congressman’s own biography as an attack on his identity — even as that same congressman won’t answer whether other people’s children get to stay.

The District That’s Watching

None of this is happening in a safe seat. Arizona’s 6th Congressional District — a border district running through Tucson and southern Arizona — is one of the most competitive in the country, and roughly one in four of Ciscomani’s constituents are Hispanic or Latino, according to Census Bureau data. This is not a district where a Dreamer’s detention is an abstraction. It’s a district where a Dreamer’s detention is a neighbor.

Ciscomani won his seat by threading a needle: a border-district Republican who could speak credibly about immigration because he’d lived it. Roll Call 14 and five declined interview requests suggest he no longer wants to be asked to.

A sitting congressman who once symbolized what DACA could become won’t say if he still believes in it — while his own constituent gets pulled from her home. Migrant Insider is the only outlet tracking every vote, every silence, and every contradiction on this beat. Subscribe to see what Ciscomani does next, and send this to the one person in AZ-6 who needs to see it before November.

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That’s not a metaphor. On August 18, USCIS’s benefits-verification system flipped a switch and declared thousands of Temporary Protected Status work cards “no longer valid” — effective immediately, no transition window, no public announcement beyond an agency alert most Americans will never see.

It’s one of five immigration actions taken by federal agencies in the last seven days that have drawn real estate in law-firm newsletters and trade publications, and essentially nothing from the outlets people actually read. Here’s what happened, and what it means for the people it hits.

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A Ninth Circuit panel — Judges Margaret McKeown, Michelle Friedland and Eric Miller — unanimously denied the government’s emergency motion to stay a preliminary injunction over conditions at the Adelanto ICE Processing Center in California’s High Desert, lifting the administrative pause it had granted while it considered the case. The order was first flagged Thursday by POLITICO’s ace courts reporter Kyle Cheney.

The government’s core argument was simple: don’t blame us, blame GEO Group, the private prison company that runs the infamously foul Adelanto day to day. The panel wasn’t having it.

The Panel’s Answer: You Signed the Contract

Citing the Supreme Court’s 1988 ruling in West v. Atkins, the judges wrote that contracting out care for people in government custody doesn’t relieve the government of its constitutional duty to provide it, and doesn’t strip detainees of a way to vindicate their rights. Even if ICE doesn’t run Adelanto’s hallways, the panel found, it is “ultimately responsible” for keeping the conditions inside them constitutional — and it has options if GEO won’t comply: withhold payment, impose penalties, or move people out.

Adelanto Decision

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The government also argued the case ran afoul of Trump v. CASA, the Supreme Court’s 2025 limit on nationwide injunctions. The panel dismissed that too — this order covers one facility, one class, nothing universal.

Most damning: the government never seriously disputed that what the district court found inside Adelanto — including inconsistent access to potable water and adequate medical care — was unconstitutional. It just argued someone else should pay for fixing it.

What Was Actually Found Inside

The underlying injunction, issued Aug. 12 by U.S. District Judge Sunshine Suzanne Sykes, followed a lawsuit filed after two men died at Adelanto within weeks of each other last fall — Ismael Ayala-Uribe, 39, a former DACA recipient, and Gabriel García-Avilés, 56. Attorneys for detainees alleged the GEO Group failed to provide basic medical and mental health care, adequate food and water, and sanitary living conditions for nearly 2,000 people held at the center — allegations they say have already cost lives.

California Attorney General Rob Bonta backed the detainees in an amicus brief opposing what he called punitive conditions of confinement at Adelanto, after his office’s own inspectors documented overcrowding, understaffing and failures to treat urgent medical needs. ICE has disputed the findings — an agency field director told the court in a sworn declaration that clean water was already flowing 24 hours a day, sourced from the same municipal system that supplies the town of Adelanto itself, according to LAist.

Sykes wasn’t persuaded. The Ninth Circuit wasn’t either.

What This Means for Taxpayers

Here’s where it gets expensive, and not in the way DHS wants you to think.

GEO Group runs Adelanto under a roughly $400 million-a-year contract that runs through 2029 — a deal taxpayers already fund in full, ostensibly covering the water, meals and medical care detainees say they never got. That’s the accountability question sitting underneath this ruling: if the conditions were as bad as a federal judge and the state’s own inspectors found, taxpayers may have spent years paying full price for a service GEO wasn’t fully delivering.

The panel gave the government an out that doesn’t require new spending — it can enforce the contract it already has, withholding payment or fining GEO instead of asking Congress or the public for more. Whether DHS actually does that, rather than just absorbing the deficiency and moving on, is the story to watch.

Two other details matter for the ledger. First, the court noted the government never even tried to show what compliance would cost — it “has not provided an analysis that parses the expected costs,” the panel wrote, which is a remarkable thing to admit when you’re the one asking a court to let dangerous conditions continue while you appeal.

Second, the district court waived the bond ordinarily required under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 65(c), and the panel upheld that. In plain terms: if the government ultimately wins this case, the detainees who sued won’t owe DHS a dime for the cost of fixing Adelanto in the meantime. The compliance bill stops with the agency — and by extension, the taxpayer.

Meanwhile, the underlying case continues. Opening briefs are due Sept. 17, answering briefs Oct. 15, optional reply briefs Oct. 29 — more months of federal attorney time, more months of court-appointed monitors, on a contract taxpayers are already paying nine figures a year to keep out of the news.

The government wanted a pause. It got a bill instead.

A federal appeals court just confirmed what Migrant Insider has been reporting for months: GEO Group’s excuses don’t hold up, and neither does DHS’s math. We’re about to find out exactly what taxpayers paid for and didn’t get — and that’s the story that needs paid subscribers behind it. Join the community that keeps this reporting alive, and tell one person who needs to read this.

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As many of you know, I’ve begun embracing a lot of the old ways of doing things this year, mostly in an effort to reduce my screen time. I bought some fully restored typewriters for correspondence and dispatches. I also began shooting 35mm film photography.

For those of you who don’t know, a little over a decade ago I was a professional photographer for a hot minute.

Anyway, the mailbag post is just to ask any question you want. It can be about immigration, Congress, politics, art … whatever’s on your mind. I’ll pick some of the best questions and answer them in a subsequent post. How’s that sound?

To ask your questions, just drop them in the comments below or hit me on Signal at pab.202. And as always, stay safe out there, fam.

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WASHINGTON — Six members of Congress want the FBI to explain, in writing, why federal agents are allowed to draw a loaded gun on a U.S. citizen sitting in her own car and then lie about why they did it.

That’s the blunt ask behind a letter sent Wednesday to Attorney General Todd Blanche, FBI Director Kash Patel, DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin and Acting ICE Director David Venturella — demanding an immediate FBI investigation and a DOJ Civil Rights Division review into the ICE agents who boxed in Carolina Molina’s car in Falls Church, Virginia, on Aug. 10 and pointed a firearm at her head.

Reps. Don Beyer, Suhas Subramanyam and James Walkinshaw of Virginia signed the letter. So did Rep. Robert Garcia, ranking member of the House Oversight Committee; Rep. Bennie Thompson, ranking member of Homeland Security; and Rep. Jamie Raskin, ranking member of Judiciary — the three committees with jurisdiction over ICE. They gave DOJ and DHS until Monday, Aug. 31, to respond.

Migrant Insider has confirmed, through two DHS sources speaking on condition of anonymity, the identity of the agent who drew his weapon: Martin Lagunas, 40, the leader of an Enforcement and Removal Operations team out of Chicago.

“I never tried to run you over”

Molina was leaving a Bailey’s Crossroads shopping center — where she volunteers as a licensed professional counselor conducting mental health assessments for immigration clients — when unmarked vehicles pinned her car front and back. Masked agents surrounded her. One drew his gun.

“Yeah, you record this. You almost ran us over,” Lagunas told her, according to video Molina recorded and shared with lawmakers.

“I didn’t almost run you over,” Molina said.

“You almost ran us over! Stop playing!” Lagunas shouted back. “I will arrest you! Keep it up!”

“I’m a legal citizen!” Molina told him.

“Keep it up, I don’t care!”

The letter states plainly what the video shows: “Neither video shows any attempt by Ms. Molina to run over or otherwise endanger the ICE agents.” DHS’s own public statement — that Molina “attempted to harm officers by weaponizing her vehicle” — is, per the letter, “identical to previous claims made to justify the use of deadly force elsewhere that later collapsed after the production of video evidence.”

Molina invoked that pattern herself at Wednesday’s press conference, referencing the January killing of Renée Good by ICE agent Jonathan Ross in Minneapolis — a case in which agents used nearly identical language before video contradicted them. “I think my life was in danger at that point,” Molina said. “It wasn’t until after I was like, this was a whole Renée Good situation again.”

The paper trail Congress wants

The letter cites two ICE directives by number. Directive 19009.3 requires agents to “use force only when no reasonably effective, safe, and feasible alternative appears to exist.” Directive 19010.3 requires body-worn cameras to be activated at the start of enforcement activity — and Molina’s own footage shows at least three agents wearing cameras, one of whom she says she watched press record.

081926 Letter To Doj And Dhs Re Carolina Molina Incident

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That gives lawmakers a paper trail DHS can’t easily wave away. The letter’s ten questions demand the agents’ names and titles, their vehicle-stop training records, any disciplinary history, and “all complete and unedited body-worn camera footage, cellphone and vehicle footage” — footage the agency is legally required to already have.

Subramanyam, whose district includes Molina, told Migrant Insider that accountability won’t wait for a Republican-controlled FBI to act. “We’re going to do everything possible,” he said. “We will hold every single ICE officer accountable. Even if that accountability means public pressure and public shaming, that’s what needs to happen if there’s no accountability in ICE.” He added that Lagunas “should come before Congress to explain” himself if Democrats retake the House — and called a subpoena likely.

Beyer, in his own interview, said he’d never seen anything like the ICE buildup in his tenure in Congress: “My great concern is that they’re doing the kind of minimal background checks on ICE agents that you’d get, for example, to join a local police department” — rather than screening for “people that are stalwarts of the community.”

Molina, for her part, wants none of the spotlight. Asked what she’d say to Lagunas directly, she declined. “I don’t have a message for him,” she said. Asked what she’d tell others: “Don’t trust anything, and just move carefully.”

“You watched the video. Now you know the number on his badge and the two directives he may have violated — because two DHS sources trusted Migrant Insider with it before Congress got an answer. That’s the beat. Subscribe, and forward this to the one person still asking ‘wait, who was that agent?’

What The Video Shows

Molina was dropping business cards at immigration law offices near Bailey’s Crossroads on Aug. 10 when she saw ICE agents making arrests in the parking lot. She drove past. She turned around. Unmarked vehicles boxed her car in front and back. Masked agents got out. One drew his gun and pointed it at her.

“You almost ran us over,” the agent said, according to video Molina posted. She hadn’t. The lawmakers’ letter is blunt about it: “The claim of a deadly threat is obviously belied by both the video footage and their decision to leave her without detaining or charging her after she told them that she had dashcam footage of the encounter.”

DHS’s version, issued the next day, called Molina an “anti-ICE agitator” who “attempted to harm officers by weaponizing her vehicle against them.” The congressional letter calls that characterization “particularly concerning,” noting it mirrors language DHS has used elsewhere to justify deadly force — language that “later collapsed after the production of video evidence, just as this one has.”

The letter names names the public hasn’t seen: Ruben Ray Martinez. Renee Good. Alex Pretti. Joan Sebastian Durán Guerrero. Lorenzo Salgado Araujo. Five people the lawmakers say died in incidents that fit the same pattern DHS is now applying to Molina.

The Second Northern Virginian This Month

Nine days after Molina’s encounter, Beyer is asking a second, separate set of questions — this time about a man who says he doesn’t remember what happened to him.

José Mejía Hernandez, 45, told Telemundo he was walking to a bus stop in Arlington on Aug. 11 when two trucks pulled up and men ran at him. He ran too. He says he was hit with a stun gun from behind. Then nothing — until he woke up in a D.C. hospital hours later with a brain bleed and a face covered in bruises.

His attorney says two ICE agents stayed at his hospital bedside the entire time, and that he was never given a private moment with his own doctors.

DHS disputes essentially all of it. The agency told Newsweek that Mejía Hernandez has been in the country illegally since 2006, accepted voluntary return, then reentered unlawfully in 2008. It told HuffPost that “allegations that he was unconscious and woke up in a hospital bed are FALSE,” insisting officers “rendered aid” and followed training after he “evaded arrest.”

Arlington Commonwealth’s Attorney Parisa Dehghani-Tafti isn’t waiting for that dispute to resolve itself. “No one is above the law — not any individual, not law enforcement, and not federal officials — no one,” she said in a statement calling for an immediate investigation.

Beyer, whose district includes both incidents, said Mejía Hernandez’s case arrived amid what he called a broader surge — “unjustified violence” and “apparently warrantless detention” hitting Northern Virginia over the past 10 days.

“ICE agents are here, they are regularly ignoring their training and departmental regulations that call for de-escalation, they are disappearing people, and they are all too frequently becoming out of control or violent,” Beyer said. “I urge Northern Virginians to exercise extreme caution.”

What Comes Next

The letter demands ICE turn over body-camera footage — Molina says she watched an agent activate his — along with cellphone video, use-of-force reports, and the names of every agent who surrounded her car. It asks whether those agents are still authorized to work the streets of Northern Virginia right now, while Congress waits for an answer.

They have until Aug. 31.

“Carolina Molina had a gun in her face and a dashcam that proved DHS was lying. José Mejía Hernandez woke up with a brain bleed and no memory of how he got it. Six members of Congress just gave the FBI eleven days to explain both. Migrant Insider will be tracking that deadline — subscribe so you’re not finding out from a press release.

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OPT has been in the crosshairs of conservatives for years. They claim the program takes jobs away from American workers and allows unfettered legal immigration. Support for the program, by contrast, brings together progressives, businesses, and industry, who argue that it’s a lifeline for top talent to stay in America and support cutting-edge innovation.

As MAGA fights against all forms of immigration, mass deportation raids by ICE and the deaths of migrants in custody are getting the most attention. But the challenge to OPT is an underrated threat to documented law-abiding immigrants. If successful, the assault could have massiv…

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The masked ICE officer who stepped out of an unmarked SUV on Monday and pointed his service weapon at Carolina Molina — a U.S. citizen, seated behind the wheel of her own car, in a parking lot off Columbia Pike in Falls Church — is Martin Lagunas, according to two DHS sources who spoke to Migrant Insider on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the incident publicly.

“This is the same kind of behavior that led to the murder of two American citizens,” Senator Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) tweeted about the incident.” “Trump’s violent goon squad is out of control. We need to completely clean house and rebuild from the bottom,” he added.

DHS has not named Lagunas in any public statement. The agency’s official line after the encounter went viral described the officers as agents who feared for their safety during a “targeted immigration enforcement” operation. But Molina’s video shows her car is stationary as Lagunas points his weapon at her window and accuses her, on camera, of nearly running his team over — a lie ICE agents made after the killing of Renée Good in Minneapolis in January.

Confirming a name investigators wouldn’t

Lagunas, 40, was first publicly identified by Elgin-area ICE watchdog Ismael Cordová-Clough one week ago, and independently verified through voice and visual analysis — including a distinctive arm tattoo and a frayed “POLICE” patch worn across multiple encounters — in reporting by Unraveled Press. Migrant Insider’s DHS sources corroborate that identification.

Unraveled’s reported that Lagunas is a Chicago native who led an Enforcement and Removal Operations team first documented making arrests outside Chicago’s immigration court at 55 E. Monroe Street in May 2025, and later during protests outside the ICE facility in Broadview, Illinois — the epicenter of last fall’s Operation Midway Blitz demonstrations.

That same team surfaced again in Minneapolis in January, four days after ICE agent Jonathan Ross fatally shot the 37-year-old Good — the case Molina herself invoked at a Wednesday press conference, saying, “I think my life was in danger at that point. It wasn’t until after I was like, this was a whole Renée Good situation again.”

The “weaponized vehicle” playbook

DHS’s account of the Virginia stop — that Molina “attempted to harm officers by weaponizing her vehicle” — repeats a pattern the agency has leaned on before, per Unraveled’s reporting: almost identical language was used to justify the fatal shootings of Silverio Villegas González in Franklin Park, Illinois, and Good in Minneapolis — claims that video and body-camera footage in both cases failed to support.

Molina saids the gun in her face made her start filmimg. “I think that’s why I took my cell phone out and started recording, because I’m like, ‘yo, this guy is really pointing a gun at my head.’ Like that’s insane,” she said.

DHS’s statement on the incident does not mention Lagunas by name: “The operation was targeting criminal illegal aliens, whose crimes included a hit and run and drug trafficking, and illegal aliens with final orders of removal. Fearing for their safety, ICE officers conducted a vehicle stop of the driver. Necessary background information of the driver was taken and she could face criminal prosecution as a result of her actions.”

The Fairfax County Commonwealth’s Attorney’s Office confirmed this week it is reviewing the footage. Rep. Don Beyer and Rep. Suhas Subramanyam have publicly demanded consequences for the agents involved.

Online Footprint

Four days before the Virginia stop, back in Minneapolis, Lagunas told a driver he’d blocked in with his own vehicle: “You’re not gonna like the outcome of this, sir. I guarantee you’re not going to like the outcome.” On the day Renée Good died, he’d posted about her death on his own Facebook page. The caption was one word: “FAFO.”

This is a developing story. If you have information about Lagunas or other ICE agents caught on video committing atrocities in our country, let us know at tips@migrantinsider.com or on Signal at pab.202.

This story is why you pay for Migrant Insider — we go find the name while everyone else is still calling him 'the masked agent.' Subscribe, and send this to the one person in your life who still thinks this story is about a car.

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The Department of Homeland Security published a procurement notice this month laying out its intent: outfit U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers with what the paperwork calls “conductive distraction and de-escalation devices.”

Sold under the brand name G.L.O.V.E. — Generated Low Output Voltage Emitter — the equipment is headed for both of ICE’s operational wings, Enforcement and Removal Operations and Homeland Security Investigations, on an expedited deployment target of March 2027. The budget ceiling: $10 million to $20 million. The contract mechanism: sole-source, no-bid, awarded without competition to a Lexington, Kentucky, defense and law enforcement vendor.

If it closes, it will be the largest commercial deal in Compliant Tec…

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That’s the detail that undoes State Sen. Aisha Wahab’s defense. Not the racist comment itself — “Call ice on the Mexican girl she don’t belong here” — but the picture attached to the account that posted it, a picture that matches the man Wahab called her “toughest critic, but also my biggest cheerleader” in a 2023 tribute on her own campaign page.

Nine days before Californians decide who finishes out former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s term, Wahab, D-Calif., is running from a question that has a one-word answer: yes or no. Was that her father? And if it was, is she willing to say, out loud, that what he wrote was wrong?

She has had two chances to answer. She has answered neither.

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Cunningham, the Republican nominee for New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District, is building his campaign around a hometown story — a South Valley kid, born and raised in one of Albuquerque’s most heavily Hispanic communities, roughly 82% Hispanic by the numbers. But on camera, in the same weeks federal agents were killing citizens in Minneapolis, Cunningham described the people caught up in ICE operations — including bystanders who might be family or coworkers — as expendable.

“They got to go, so they are collateral damage to a system that put ICE in the position where they have to go locate this person,” Cunningham said, describing what happens when agents raid a home or workplace and find others present. “Chances are there’s…

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Back in two weeks. Deuces, fam.

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Rep. Haley Stevens, D-Mich., wants voters to see her as the woman who told ICE “not one penny more.” But as you’ll read below, her anti-ICE position is newfangled. Before opposing ICE was cool, Stevens voted multiple times to support the rogue agency terrorizing American communities.

On the other hand, Stevens’ opponent in the Michigan Senate primary, Dr. Abdul El-Sayed, has opposed ICE from the jump; but his is a position untested by any voting record. That is, El Sayed’s never had a job that required him to chose Aye or Nay on things like, say, federal appropriations for the department of Homeland Security. Stevens has that job and like many Democrats, voted Aye for ICE until it was more po…

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WASHINGTON — If you ever want to see what systemic, calculated hostility looks like in real time, take a trip to the Arlington Immigration Court.

You won’t find loud, theatrical outbursts or cartoonish movie villains. Instead, you will find Judge Paul A. McCloskey: a mild-mannered, career-long bureaucrat with no Googleable photos of himself on the Internet whose quiet, procedural precision serves as a highly effective deportation machine.

For years, local advocates have known McCloskey as the place where asylum hopes go to die. But now, his brand of institutional cruelty has been exported nationwide. His promotion to serve as a Temporary Appellate Immigration Judge on the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA)—the highest administrative body for interpreting and applying immigration law—is a major blow to…

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The number is small. The consequences aren’t. Across five separate actions — a DHS rule, two Board of Immigration Appeals decisions, a USCIS alert, and a CMS bulletin — the federal government spent the back half of July quietly rewriting the terms under which immigrants, asylum seekers and their children live, work and access care in this country. None of it happened in a hearing room with cameras. All of it will reach kitchen tables by fall.

Here’s what Migrant Insider found.

DHS puts a clock on every foreign student and journalist in America

DHS has finalized a rule ending “duration of status,” the decades-old system that let F-1 students, J-1 exchange visitors and I-visa foreign journalists remain in the U.S. for as long as their program lasted. In its place: a hard admission date, capped at four years, with language-training students limited to 24 months total. The 60-day grace period that once cushioned the end of a program is now 30 days — after which unlawful presence starts accruing and future immigration benefits can be barred.

Buried in the rule are tighter restrictions on school transfers and changes of academic objective, especially at the graduate level, plus new biometrics requirements and stricter rules for keeping work authorization continuous. The effect: categories that functioned for generations as stable, multi-year statuses now require recurring federal sign-off, with a paperwork miss carrying real legal consequences. Foreign correspondents holding I-visas are swept in alongside students.

The BIA tells Russian draft dodgers: conscription alone won’t save you

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The governor signed Executive Order GA-57 on Monday, directing the Texas Health and Human Services Commission, its Office of Inspector General, the Texas Medical Board, the Board of Nursing, the Department of Licensing and Regulation, and the Department of State Health Services to investigate hospitals, birthing centers and medical staff accused of marketing so-called “birth tourism” — trips by pregnant travelers to the U.S. to give birth. The order lets those agencies revoke licenses, cut off state contracts, deny benefits, and refer cases for criminal prosecution.

Eo Ga 57 Birthright Tourism Image 2026 07 21

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What triggered it

The order leans on a Texas Health and Human Services Commission probe Abbott ordered on July 7 after reports surfaced that hospitals were advertising birth packages abroad. HHSC has already referred two Texas hospitals to the state attorney general over billboards placed in a foreign country…

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FBI field offices nationwide were told in writing that the bureau will no longer take the lead on “assault on a federal officer” cases involving ICE and other Department of Homeland Security agents. Those cases — the routine paperwork that follows any claim an officer was attacked — have long doubled as the FBI’s primary window into ICE shootings, since they generate the witness statements, video evidence and forensic work that can later support a civil rights case against an agent who used deadly force.

Under the new guidance, that work moves instead to Homeland Security Investigations — ICE’s own investigative arm, operating inside the same department as the agents whose conduct would be under review.

DOJ …

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In an amicus invitation posted July 14, the nation’s highest immigration appeals body — the court of last resort for hundreds of thousands of deportation cases before they ever reach a federal judge — is soliciting outside legal briefs on whether it must follow Supreme Court and circuit court precedent on constitutional law, even in cases where doing so would mean striking down a statute or regulation as unconstitutional.

Amicus Invitation 26 14 07 Constitutional Law Due Date 08 13 26

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Why It Matters

The BIA is not a court in the Article III sense. It’s part of the Executive Office for Immigration Review, an agency housed inside the Justice Department. Agencies typically can’t declare acts of Congress unconstitutional — that power sits with the judiciary. But immigration law runs on statutes and regulations that get challenged on constitutional grounds constantly: due process at…

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“I have to, well, all the world has to know, who are the... assassins that killed my dad,” his son told Univision’s Lidia Terrazas this weekend, the family’s first extended interview since ICE agents shot Salgado Araujo during a Houston traffic stop. “Because if that would have happened to any... crime... they would have investigated who was the suspicious, right? But what we have heard is that the agents that were involved... they have moved them to another state.”

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