ICE published a notice of proposed rulemaking on May 7 to raise the filing fee for Form I-246 — the application used to request a discretionary stay of deportation or removal — from $155 to $755. That’s a $600 jump. A 387 percent increase. And the first adjustment to that fee since George H.W. Bush was in his first year in office.

The rule is explicit about its ideological home. It ties the hike directly to President Trump’s executive order on “Ending Taxpayer Subsidization of Open Borders,” framing the fee increase as a cost-shift from “taxpayers” to “those receiving the direct services” — in this case, people who are already under final removal orders and, in many instances, asking for more time in the country because they are seriously ill, or because their child is a U.S. citizen, or because they have nowhere safe to go.

ICE projects the higher fee would extract roughly $2.25 million more per year from applicants, based on an estimated 3,745 fee-paying I-246 filings annually.

The agency acknowledges it cannot fully model how many people will simply stop filing because they can’t afford it. The rule notes that fee waivers remain available — but that ICE retains sole discretion over whether to grant them.

The public comment window closes July 6, 2026. Docket: ICEB-2020-0005 on Regulations.gov.

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Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough advised Wednesday that multiple sections of the package are subject to a 60-vote point of order under the Byrd Rule, effectively killing them under a process designed to require only a simple majority.

The Border Patrol Money Is Gone

The first casualty: the main Border Patrol funding sections — Sections 1 and 3(a)(5) — which MacDonough found “inappropriately funds activities outside of HSGAC’s jurisdiction.” In plain English, Republicans tried to use the Homeland Security Committee’s reconciliation lane to pay for programs that belong to other committees. The parliamentarian called the bluff.

Children’s Protections Draw the Line

The second provision to fall is Section 3(a)(6), which would have allowed reconciliation funds to be used in the initial screening of unaccompanied migrant children. MacDonough found the provision “undermines decades-old protections for noncitizen children” enshrined in the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act — and cited the Trump administration’s own implementation of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act as evidence of how those funds have already been used to circumvent those protections.

$2.5 Billion in Supplemental DHS Funds Also Axed

The third is Section 4 — a $2.5 billion block of additional DHS appropriations — which MacDonough ruled conflicts with both the Flores Settlement Agreement and the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, the twin legal frameworks that have governed how the U.S. government handles, houses, and screens migrant children for decades. Again, she pointed directly to how the Trump administration has already applied OBBBA spending as evidence of what this new money would actually do.

A Procedural Ruling With Political Consequences

It is a notable move for a parliamentarian whose office is careful to note that its advice “is not a judgement on the relative merits of a particular policy.” MacDonough’s ruling is procedural, not political — but the practical effect lands like a sledgehammer on a package that Senate Republicans had structured as a workaround to Democratic opposition.

Senate Republicans opted to fund the bulk of DHS through the appropriations process while moving funding for immigration enforcement separately after talks with Democrats collapsed over reforms to ICE and CBP. That strategy required the reconciliation package to survive parliamentary review intact. It has not.

Republicans still hold 53 Senate seats. They do not hold 60.

The Architecture of the Package, Now in Pieces

The package as drafted called for roughly $71.7 billion in new spending across two committee titles — and the sections now subject to a 60-vote threshold represent core architecture of the CBP side of that spending.

The ruling puts Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., and Budget Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., in the position of having to redraft or abandon the stripped provisions before a floor vote. Graham said his language was constructed to give both committees maximum flexibility while avoiding jurisdictional conflicts — a claim the parliamentarian has now directly contested.

A Warning Shot for the Courts

For immigration advocates and civil rights attorneys who have spent years defending the Flores Agreement and the TVPRA from executive branch erosion, the ruling is a rare procedural vindication. It is also a warning: the parliamentarian’s finding that the Trump administration’s OBBBA implementation itself constitutes evidence of intent is language that is likely to surface again in federal court.

The package now returns to the drawing board — with a Senate floor vote still on the calendar and a House that has yet to formally adopt the same budget resolution.

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The most consequential change targets the most vulnerable people in the system: children.

In June 2025, USCIS rescinded its policy of granting deferred action to recipients of Special Immigrant Juvenile Status — known as SIJS — who were unable to adjust to permanent residence because a visa number wasn’t yet available. The policy had been a lifeline since 2022.

Around 200,000 SIJS youth awaiting visas had been granted protection from deportation and work authorization under the old framework. These are not people who crossed a border illegally as adults pursuing economic opportunity. They are young people whom a state court has already determined cannot safely be reunified with a parent — due to abuse, neglect, or abandonment — and whom Congress specifically designed a protection pathway for.

Now that pathway has a cliff at the end.

SIJS recipients who already have deferred action and work permits will generally keep them until they expire — but USCIS retains the discretion to terminate them early. Young people newly approved for SIJS will not automatically receive deportation protection or work authorization, and no new work permit applications under the (c)(14) category will be accepted.

Then, in April, USCIS made it permanent.

Policy Memorandum PM-602-0198, issued April 10, 2026, confirmed that after a 30-day notice period, USCIS will no longer automatically consider granting deferred action for SIJs who cannot yet adjust status due to visa availability. The agency cited a July 2025 internal report it says identified “significant national security and integrity vulnerabilities” in the SIJS program — including what USCIS described as a pathway to lawful permanent residence and eventual citizenship for criminal aliens, gang members, and known or suspected terrorists.

Immigration advocates dispute that framing sharply, and they’ve gone to court to say so.

A lawsuit, A.C.R. v. Noem, filed in the Southern District of New York, alleges the government violated the Administrative Procedure Act when it terminated the policy without proper notice or justification, leaving thousands of SIJS beneficiaries at risk of deportation and labor exploitation. In February 2026, plaintiffs filed an appeal to the Second Circuit challenging the portion of the district court’s decision that applied a higher standard to those whose petitions were approved after June 6, 2025.

Meanwhile, the rewritten Policy Manual tells USCIS officers something else: that deferred action is now, officially, extraordinary.

The updated Chapter 5 lays out an expanded list of factors that can sink a deferred action request — including whether an applicant has “endorsed, promoted, supported, or otherwise espoused anti-American views” or views tied to antisemitic terrorism, including in social media content. It’s language that did not exist in prior iterations of the manual, and it hands officers broad interpretive latitude at a moment when the administration has been aggressive in citing social media posts as grounds for enforcement action.

The manual also makes explicit what was always implicit but rarely enforced so bluntly: prosecutorial discretion will be exercised only in compelling cases after a determination that discretion is warranted based on a totality of the circumstances, on a case-by-case basis, and only when clearly authorized by statute or regulation.

In plain English: if Congress didn’t write it in the law, USCIS no longer considers itself in the business of filling the gap.

Without deferred action, SIJS youth will no longer be able to obtain work authorization, leaving them to navigate an unregulated labor market that advocates say is rife with trafficking and abuse.

The administration has redrawn the line between compassion and compliance — and drawn it tighter than it’s been in a generation.

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It is not a famous door. Nobody has put a plaque on it. No tourists photograph it. But it is the most important door in American immigration enforcement, and a man named David Venturella has walked through it so many times in the last two decades that the hinges have learned his name.

On one side of the door: the federal government, with its badges and its databases and its authority to take a human being and put them in a cage. On the other side: GEO Group, which builds the cages and bills the government by the bed, by the day, for as long as the government keeps filling them.

Venturella spent thirty-plus years mastering both sides.

He started in 1986 with the old Immigration and Naturalization Service in Chicago, working his way up through arrests and deportations and removals, climbing the ladder of a bureaucracy that measures success by how many people it puts on planes. He ran Detention and Removal Operations at ICE. He ran Secure Communities — the program that turned local cops into immigration enforcers and a traffic stop into a deportation order. He negotiated with Cuba. He sat in on White House working groups. He was, by any measure, the consummate insider, the kind of man who gets things done quietly and never makes the evening news.

Then in 2012, he walked through the door.

GEO Group welcomed him as an executive vice president. GEO Group, which operates immigrant detention centers where detainees have described medical neglect, abuse, and the particular cruelty of indefinite confinement. GEO Group, which does not make cars or vaccines or anything a civilization requires — it makes money by holding human beings in rooms, and it pays its executives very well to make sure the government keeps sending more human beings to fill those rooms.

Venturella stayed at GEO for roughly a decade.

Then he walked back through the door.

DHS brought him back as a consultant. Then as an adviser. They handed him an ethics waiver so the standard rules restricting work involving a recent employer would not inconvenience him. They kept his name off some public leadership lists. By 2025, House Judiciary Democrats were writing letters describing him as the effective No. 2 at ICE, the man overseeing detention contracts — the very contracts that sent hundreds of millions of dollars to companies like GEO.

Let that sentence sit for a moment.

The man who left ICE to work for GEO came back to ICE to manage GEO’s contracts with ICE.

If you wrote this as fiction, an editor would send it back. Too on the nose, the editor would say. Nobody would believe it.

But this is not fiction. This is the United States government.

And now it gets worse.

In May 2026, the Department of Homeland Security announced that Venturella would become the acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The whole agency. Every arrest. Every detention. Every deportation flight. Every contract with every private prison company in the country — his to oversee. Tom Homan’s ally. The quiet operator. The man who, according to reporting summarizing the New York Times, once called the ICE Miami field office personally to make sure a woman named Amanda Ungaro was taken into custody straight from jail, before she could post bond, as — and this phrase should haunt you — “a favor for a friend of the president.”

The friend was a Trump associate in a custody dispute with Ungaro. He called Venturella. Venturella called Miami. Ungaro was detained.

That is what the power looks like when it is personalized. That is what happens when the man running the machinery has spent decades learning exactly which levers to pull, for whom, and when.

For migrant communities, this appointment is not a bureaucratic abstraction. It is a message, delivered without ambiguity: the agency that can appear at a home before dawn, that can intercept someone at a courthouse, that can separate a parent from a child, is now run by a man whose career has been defined by expanding detention, by moving between government and the private industry that profits from it, and by doing favors, quietly, for the right people.

Venturella’s supporters will call him an experienced professional. They will cite his Harvard-MIT executive program. They will mention his bilateral repatriation negotiations, his diplomatic portfolio, his decades of institutional knowledge.

They are not wrong that he knows the system.

That is precisely the problem.

A man who has spent his career building a system does not dismantle it. He perfects it. He makes it run smoother, quieter, more efficiently — which, in this context, means more people detained, more contracts signed, more families torn apart with less friction and fewer headlines.

Jimmy Breslin used to say that you find the truth in the man with the broom, not the man giving the speech.

Here is the man with the broom: he came up through INS in Chicago sweeping people into removal proceedings. He swept for GEO Group for a decade, building the rooms that hold the people. He came back to sweep the contracts that paid for the rooms. And now he runs the whole building.

The door is still spinning.

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A new working paper published this month by the National Bureau of Economic Research — the first comprehensive, causal national study of the labor market effects of Trump’s immigration enforcement surge — finds no evidence that heightened ICE activity has produced job gains for U.S.-born workers. None. Not in agriculture. Not in construction. Not in manufacturing. Not anywhere.

What it did find is a chilling effect so severe it is contracting entire industries.

New Study: Mass Deportations Are Job Killers For Native-Born

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Elizabeth Cox and Chloe N. East, economists at the University of Colorado Boulder, analyzed ICE arrest data from October 2023 through October 2025 alongside Current Population Survey labor data. They divided the country into “treated” areas — those that experienced sudden, large spikes in ICE arrests — and control areas that did not. The methodology is rigorous enough to isolate enforcement shocks from the noise of tariffs, seasonal shifts, and broader macroeconomic changes happening simultaneously in 2025.

Their core finding: in high-enforcement areas, likely undocumented workers still present in the United States — people who were not arrested, not deported, simply frightened — reduced their employment by 4 percent. Among men, who make up more than 90 percent of ICE’s arrest targets, the drop was 5 percent, with two fewer hours worked per week.

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Since early 2025, Austin has been full-steam ahead developing and managing STOPICE.net – a mobile alert system tracking ICE activity across the nation. The service works via crowd sourced reporting. Essentially, users submit their own ICE sightings, reports are vetted for legitimacy, and STOPICE.net sends an alert out to those nearby.

“I want it to be something that can get the time sensitive information out to people right away,” Austin told Migrant Insider.

Design Philosophy

STOPICE.net is deliberately low-tech for the dual purpose of accessibility and user privacy. Any device that has cell service – whether it be the newest Apple contraption or the sketchiest flip phone – c…

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Acting ICE Director Todd Lyons told Congress the agency will be a “crucial” part of the tournament’s security framework. He has declined to suspend operations. He has declined to create any formal buffer zones. What he has not declined to do, at least not yet, is allow Enforcement and Removal Operations — ICE’s deportation machinery — to keep running in the same cities where the games will be played.

The numbers are not abstract. ICE arrested at least 92,392 people in and around U.S. World Cup host cities between January 20 and mid-October of the last reporting period, according a report last month by Human Rights Watch. Roughly two-thirds had no U.S. criminal convictions.

The World Cup kicks off in 36 days.

THE DRESS REHEARSAL

Before the 2026 tournament, there was the 2025 FIFA Club World Cup — 32 clubs, U.S. venues only, and a front-row seat to what a World Cup with ICE looks like in practice.

In January, CBP posted a “suited and booted” message to social media touting its security role at opening games, then deleted it after backlash and reported pressure from FIFA. CBP officers showed up at stadiums. CBP officers showed up at a Miami kick-off boat party with FIFA officials, where crew members were questioned about immigration status during what the agency called a routine inspection.

Then, last July 13, ICE arrested an asylum seeker who had attended the Club World Cup final with his children. He had lived in the United States for years. He was removed from the country.

Human Rights Watch called it a signal. Officials called it business as usual. The difference in interpretation is exactly what’s driving the current fight.

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Madison Sheahan — who resigned as deputy director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in January to run for Congress — lost Tuesday’s GOP primary in Ohio’s 9th Congressional District to Derek Merrin, the former state legislator who will now face Rep. Marcy Kaptur, D-Ohio, in one of the most closely watched House races of the 2026 cycle.

The race was called quickly. There was no recount drama. Sheahan never broke out.

In a crowded field that also included state Rep. Josh Williams, Air Force veteran Alea Nadeem, and health-care executive Anthony Campbell, Merrin — who lost to Kaptur by fewer than 2,400 votes in 2024 — won on the strength of name recognition, existing campaign infrastructure, and something Sheahan couldn’t manufacture: a record that Ohio Republicans didn’t have to defend.

NO PRIOR LAW ENFORCEMENT EXPERIENCE

Sheahan’s record, by contrast, was the whole story.

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Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, released the legislative text of his committee’s title of the Republican reconciliation bill Monday night — a document that would funnel nearly $39.2 billion toward immigration enforcement, lock in ICE and CBP funding through the end of the Trump presidency, and erect a new wall of fees designed to price migrants out of every legal pathway available to them.

Reconciliation Senate Judiciary Committee Title

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Combined with a separate $32.5 billion from the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, the total package comes to roughly $69.2 billion — with ICE alone set to receive approximately $38.2 billion.

The Judiciary title would cover ICE hiring and training, transportation, information technology, and funding for so-called 287(g) agreements — the program that deputizes local police departments to carry out federal immigration enforcement.

An additional $750 million would go to the Federal Law Enforcement Train…

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Answer yes — or stay silent — and the denial follows automatically.

The State Department issued the directive in a worldwide cable dated April 28, publicly confirmed two days later. The Guardian obtained the cable. The Washington Post first reported it.

The questions target what the administration calls “asylum shopping” — the department’s term for applicants it believes are concealing protection claims to gain entry on temporary visas. “The high number of aliens claiming asylum in the United States indicates that many aliens misrepresent this intention to consular officers,” the cable reads.

The directive cites Executive Order 14161, which President Trump signed on his first day back in office, ordering federal agencies to tighten immigration screening.

The…

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The plan, backed by President Donald Trump and driven by hard-line immigration allies in Congress, would first use the budget reconciliation process to send tens of billions of dollars to ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection outside the normal Senate filibuster process. GOP leaders then plan to move a separate appropriations package later to reopen the rest of DHS.

The strategy effectively gives ICE a second major funding boost after Republicans already approved a massive enforcement increase in last year’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act. Critics say the approach underscores how deeply GOP lawmakers have aligned themselves with Trump’s deportation agenda and White H…

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The cases, Mullin v. Doe and Trump v. Miot, were argued together in a packed courtroom while TPS holders and their advocates rallied outside with drums and chants and speeches from members of Congress. Inside, the justices heard nearly two hours of argument on questions that will shape the legal futures of roughly 1.3 million people from 17 countries who hold some form of TPS.

The headline question: Can courts review how the administration ended TPS? Or did Congress write a statute that puts that decision beyond judicial reach?

The government’s answer was emphatic. Solicitor General D. John Sauer argued that TPS is — by design — temporary, and that Congress handed the Homeland Security secretary sweeping authority to end it with virtually no judicial second-guessing. The no-review clause in the statute, he told the Court, covers not just the final termination decision but every step of the process leading to it.

“TPS designations have lasted years, sometimes decades,” Sauer argued. Congress, he said, never intended the program to become de facto permanent amnesty.

Attorneys for Haitian and Syrian TPS holders pushed back hard. Ahilan Arulanantham, arguing for the Syrians, told the Court the administration was asking for “a blank check” over the futures of more than a million people. The no-review clause, he argued, bars courts from questioning the ultimate discretionary call — not from checking whether DHS actually followed Congress’s mandatory procedures before making it. Those procedures include a genuine consultation with the State Department and a real assessment of current country conditions.

“The government reads this statute as a blank check,” Arulanantham said.

Geoffrey Pipoly, arguing for Haitian TPS holders, brought the argument down from the legal clouds and planted it in Port-au-Prince. More than 9,000 people were killed in Haiti last year. The homicide rate is approximately 76 per 100,000. Gangs control over 70 percent of the capital and key rural corridors. More than 5.8 million Haitians face acute food insecurity. Given all of that, Pipoly argued, the administration cannot credibly claim conditions have improved enough to justify terminating TPS.

The contradiction did not escape the liberal justices. Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, and Ketanji Brown Jackson pressed Sauer on a tension that advocates outside had been hammering all morning: the State Department tells American citizens “do not travel” to Haiti and Syria. How, they asked, can the administration simultaneously argue those countries are safe enough to deport TPS holders back to?

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The ruling from a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit is one of the most consequential rebukes to Miller’s immigration strategy since Trump returned to power, striking at the heart of a legal theory the administration has used to justify some of its most aggressive border enforcement moves.

“The president cannot unilaterally eliminate the right to seek asylum by executive order,” ACLU attorney Lee Gelernt, who argued the appeal, said after the ruling. He added the decision could “potentially save the lives of thousands of people fleeing grave danger.”

What Miller Built — and What the Court Just Dismantled

On Inauguration Day 2025, Trump signed a pre…

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That’s the double-barreled finding contained in a new Senate Budget Committee analysis and an independent review of federal spending data published by budget analyst Kevin McNellis — a combination that raises urgent questions about fiscal oversight at the very moment Republicans are moving to dramatically expand the enforcement apparatus.

According to the Senate Budget Committee, Office of Management and Budget data shows that as of the end of March, ICE had not obligated $63.2 billion of the $74.9 billion it received under last year’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act. CBP had not obligated $40 billion of its $64.7 billion allocation. Combined: $103 billion in unobligated funds — and counting.

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The allegations: $40,000 in gifts, luxury trips to Italy and Aruba, and a Bottega handbag, all allegedly funded by a man she met on a site dedicated to “mutually beneficial” arrangements. That man has since been identified as a government contractor named Robert Bianchi, who filed a formal complaint with the DHS Office of the Inspector General.

Varvaro says this is an angry ex trying to destroy a career she built on a master’s degree and Ph.D. in homeland security. That may be. Breakups get ugly. Boyfriends buy gifts. But the OIG doesn’t typically put people on administrative leave over a bad breakup.

Overnight, reporter Jacqueline Sweet broke the identity of the alleged sugar daddy: Robert Bianchi.

The relationship has drawn intense scrutiny due to potential conflicts of interest and the official’s glamorous lifestyle, which was reportedly funded by Bianchi. Investigations into the matter highlight concerns over how their personal ties may have influenced government contracts or security clearances. This exposure is the latest development in a broader scandal involving the intersection of private wealth and public office at the DHS.

The Security Problem

The counterintelligence concern writes itself. When someone with access to the nation’s most sensitive counterterrorism data is under financial stress — or being bankrolled by an outside party — they become a recruitment target. It doesn’t matter whether the leverage comes from a disgruntled ex or a foreign intelligence service. The vulnerability is the same.

Going into White House Correspondents’ weekend, this is the story that won’t leave the conversation. I caught up with several members of Congress on the House steps Thursday to get their read on it.

Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., is calling for a full investigation into a DHS counter-terrorism official, arguing that the sensitivity of the role leaves no room for personal compromises. He warns that such vulnerabilities could create conflicts of interest or be exploited by foreign adversaries, potentially undermining national security.

Rep. Alexander Vindman, D-Va., didn’t mince words. He called the situation “obviously outrageous” and questioned how someone with these vulnerabilities ends up in a critically important counterterrorism role while the U.S. is, in his words, effectively at war with Iran. Whether the influence comes from an angry ex or a foreign power, he said, it demands a full investigation.

Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., zeroed in on the “how” — how does a low-level FEMA staffer get fast-tracked into a top counterterrorism post? He characterized the broader administration as a “cesspool of political and financial corruption” where public policy is seemingly available to the highest bidder.

Rep. Delia Ramirez, D-Ill., a member of the Homeland Security Committee, was the most direct. She called for Varvaro’s immediate termination, framing this not as a personal relationship gone sideways but as a potential pay-to-play arrangement — government access and contracts traded for rent and luxury goods.

This story is still unfolding. The OIG complaint is in. Varvaro is on leave. Sweet had the latest scoop. And I made a YouTube video:

Give it a watch and be sure to subscribe to my YouTube channel if you haven’t already!

The conversations are happening as the Senate kicked off a late-night “vote-a-rama” Wednesday, pushing through a budget resolution that would pre-fund ICE and Customs and Border Protection for three and a half years — at a price tag of roughly $70 billion — using the budget reconciliation process to bypass the 60-vote filibuster threshold that would otherwise require Democratic support.

The House Republican, who was granted anonymity to discuss the ongoing negotiations, did not dispute the characterization of the farm bill discussions.

“Absolutely,” the lawmaker said, noting they didn’t want to get out in front of Agriculture Committee Chairman Glenn Thompson (R-PA). “We’re leaving no stone unturned when it comes to getting the brave men and …

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Salazar, the Miami Republican who represents one of the most immigrant-dense congressional districts in the country, has spent years marketing herself as the reasonable face of immigration reform — a daughter of Cuban exiles who understands the stakes. Her vehicle is the Dignity Act, a bill she has promoted with the fervor of a televangelist and the conviction of someone who voted, in the same breath, to make its core promise illegal.

The Dignity Act Of 2025

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That’s not a typo.

In May 2023, Salazar voted for the Secure the Border Act, a piece of legislation that would have gutted the very parole authority that kept hundreds of thousands of Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans — her constituents — lawfully in the United States. The bill passed 219-213.

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In 2017, Criselda Vasquez, a Chicana painter working out of California, reimagined Grant Wood’s American Gothic — the one on the refrigerator magnets, the one every American schoolchild knows — and put her parents in it. Her mother and father, both immigrants from Mexico, standing together, holding cleaning supplies and a hoe, a red truck behind them. Not in front of a Midwestern farmhouse. In front of their life.

She called it The New American Gothic.

The Lucas Museum for Narrative Art in Los Angeles bought it in 2021. It hangs there now, or in storage, or somewhere in the permanent collection of American cultural memory. Her parents are in it. They are dignified. They are permanent.

Her father is not permanent. On the morning of Tuesday, March 31, Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents st…

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It was 1944. The U.S. government had rounded up more than 110,000 Japanese Americans — citizens and noncitizens alike — and warehoused them in desert camps under the authority of an executive order signed by Franklin D. Roosevelt. Matsui was born into that detention. She did not choose it. No one did.

It is the kind of origin story that, in a district built on refugee families and immigrant communities, carries enormous moral weight. It is the kind of story a campaign puts front and center. It is also the kind of story that makes what follows very hard to explain.

‘Hell No’ — and the Record That Follows It

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